MEDIA CIVIC ORGANISATIONS, CIVIC SOCIETY AND CRITICAL POLITICAL ECONOMY.

Civil society is defined here as including community based organization, traditional leaders, implementing NGO’s, Unions, business associations, religious organizations, independent media, student groups, cooperatives and other associational groupings. Civil society’s role in decentralized and democratic governance may be viewed to have four major functions as follows,
i) As an advocacy for representing interests of their constituencies.
ii) In service delivery in education, health and other sectors.
iii) As a partner with government in development planning, in promoting understanding of the decentralization system and in other areas.
iv) As watchdog over government.
However, these roles are not played by all civil societies’ actors or at all times-nor are these civil society functions always clean or rigid. Civil societies are often populated by organizations such as registered charities, development non-governmental organization, community groups, women’s organizations, faith based organization, professional associations, trade unions, self-help groups, social movements, business associates, coalitions and advocacy groups and so forth.

Civil society as advocacy
Advocacy is generally viewed as a primary role of civil society. Often time, civil society groups building coalitions amongst themselves to advocate for policies. For instance, in Zimbabwe MISA Zimbabwe and Zimbabwe Lawyers for human Rights challenged the application of POSA and AIPPA. These two among to be mentioned civil society advocated for the liberalization of the Zimbabwean media from heavy government controlling rules and laws. This is both a means for weak organizations together sufficient strength to address state authorities as well as a bottom up consensus building effort (Charlick 2003)

Civil society groups do confront authorities for specific policy change, but sometimes these are not always well received or have positive outcome. In Zimbabwe media organization such as MISA Zimbabwe, MMPZ, WOZA and so forth confronted the government of Zimbabwe to repeal POSA, AIPPA and so on. Therefore, in general civil society groups have had success in influencing the central government to improve the environment and conditions in which they operate.

Furthermore, civil society plays a major role in the social relation of the media and the audiences. In Latin America in 1983, social movements of different kinds were involved in bringing down the authoritarian regimes. Community based protest contributed to discrediting and delegitimizing the Pinochet regime of Chile. In Zimbabwe, Non-governmental organization has collaborated with members of the publics to fight against the hostile ZANU PF government. The social relation of the ordinary citizens has been greatly influenced by the NGO’s and private media which play a watchdog role such as Financial Gazette and The Independent.

In addition,, civil society in its service delivery role works together with the government of the day to improve the living conditions of the public. Privatization of certain government service has led to opportunities for both private businesses and civil society organization to increase their service delivery role at all levels of government. In Pelengana, for example, the commune has worked with women’s groups on sanitation service delivery and has established a system to provide financial resources. In Zimbabwe Musasa project works to assist women to be represented in the community. The doctors with borders have worked hard to improve the community’s health. Other NGO’s such as CARO International, ORAP, OCRAST, OXFARM, CONCERN and so forth have assisted immensely to provide food to the starving communities around the country in Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe, many international NGO have eschewed advocacy activities but have helped strengthen local partners in service delivery from identifying needs to professional standards of service. Many civil society/NGO have now become adept in service delivery and cover many domains. For instance, community mobilization, enterprise development, health education, micro-finance and so forth.

Civil society plays the watchdog role and contributes immensely to the political economy of the mass media. In a democratic system, civil society plays key role as a watchdog over the workings and effectiveness of the state and elected officials. This starts with election monitoring but is far more extensive and includes regular control of policies, priority setting, implementation, equity, budget allocations and service delivery effectiveness. For example, in Zimbabwe ZESN played a crucial role in educating journalist on how to report and to interview political members representing their parties in March 2008 harmonized elections. However, it should be noted that, “the civil society watchdog role in a decentralized system is not only critical at the central government level, but also for the regional and local level”.

Ideally, decentralization as a system of government confers on civil society the important role of controlling/monitoring critiquing government initiative to all strata of society. For example, in Zimbabwe MISA Zimbabwe have criticized the government for brutalizing and arresting journalist from independent papers for exposing the hostility caused by the ruling party supporters. In addition, MISA as a civil society have pressured the government to do away with ruthless media laws such as POSA, AIPPA, OSA and so forth. A call for licensing of independent foreign media and Independent media regulating board to replace MIC is the critique and pressure the Zimbabwean government has been facing. On the other hand, MMPZ as civil society have documented and criticized the government for using hate speech to fail an “All Inclusive government”. Hence basing from the above contribution in critical political economy civil society plays a watchdog role to expose, defend and safeguard the rights of the local citizens.

Many civil society groups are potentially constrained in their watchdog role by lack of independence or a partisan political outlook. With civil society getting much of their funding from external donors, this may very likely influence the issues they stress and the issues they avoid very frequently. The press is also be made through provision of transport and per diem or pay of production costs. For example, during March 2006 workshop held in Bamako on International foreign aid effectiveness organized by the Africa development Bank (ADB) journalist made it clear to the organizers that without payment for transport costs, they would not attend the event. After ADB agreed to make one transport payment for each press group attending the event, one group did their best to collect for more than one person attending.


Curran (2000) defines civic media as a media sector consisting of channels of communication linked to organized groups and social networks intended to facilitate the expression of dissenting and minority views. It supports organizations that are the life force of democracy. The organizations include political parties, new social movements, interest groups and sub-cultural networks that relay the concerns of society and propose policy initiatives for consideration by the political system. Civic organization are important in parliamentary democracies in need of democratic rejuvenation and where political parties have a pivotal position as organizations that aggregate interests, distribute costs, define electronic choices and offer channels of general (rather than single issue) influence.

On the other hand, civil society consists of the interested parties and organizations calling for democratic rule through the use of media’s creation of a public sphere as well as adherence to the principal democratic role of the media acting as a check on the state, as the Fourth Estate. Curran (2000) argues that the media should monitor the full range of state activities and fearlessly expose abuses of official authority. Dahlgren (1991) asserts that the public sphere is a concept, which in today’s society points to the issues of how and to what extent the mass media especially in their journalistic role can help citizens learn about the world, debate their responses to it, and reach informed decisions about what courses of action to adopt.

Civic society calls for a more liberal atmosphere which the media must operate. Dahlgren (1991) argues that according to classical liberal theory, the public sphere (or in more traditional terminology, public forum) is the space between government and society in which private individuals exercise formal and informal control over the state through the election of governments and the pressure of public opinion. The media are central to this process as they distribute the information necessary for citizens to make an informed choice at election time. They also facilitate the formation of public opinion by providing an independent forum of debate enabling people to shape the conduct of government by articulating their views. In this regard civic society views as an aggregation of individuals and government as the seat of power, with the nexus between the state and individuals as the key social relationship that need to be policed by an ever vigilant media which is on permanent guard duty, patrolling against the abuse of executive power and safeguarding individual liberty.
Civic society’s argument is that the media should brief the electorate and assist voters to make an informed choice at election time. They argue the media to provide a channel of communication between governments and governed, which helps society to clarify its objectives, formulate policy, co-ordinate activity and manage itself. In the liberal view, through the free market, it secures the media’s independence as an inclusive debate. The freedom of the market, it secures the media’s independence as an intermediary, generating wide ranging and inclusive debate. The freedom of the market allows anyone to publish an opinion and this ensures that all significant points of views are aired and also that information is made available from varied sources, extending participation in public debate. Good governance is also fostered, because decision-making processes are exposed to the interplay of apposed opinion. Barron 91995:3200 quotes the American jurist Oliver Holmes who declared in a much quoted statement, that “the best test of the truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market..

Gramsci (1971) sees what he calls civil society as having the responsibility for the production, reproduction, and transformation of hegemony, while the state is responsible for the use of coercion. This is a fairly simple and direct equation whereby the state exercises repression and civil society exercise hegemony. In addition, hegemony operates culturally and ideologically through the institutions of civil society which characterize mature liberal-democratic capitalist societies. These institutions include education, the family, church, the mass media, popular culture and so forth. Civil society in critical political economy is the way Gramsci (1971) locates the place of culture and ideology within societies, and hegemony is the way he tries to understand how they work.

In critical political economy Gramsci 91971) states that the liberal-democratic societies of western capitalism are different in that they have relatively weaker states and much more extensive and complicated civil societies which strengthen the hegemony of the dominant groups. In this situation, a war of position rather than a war of position rather than war of movement becomes the strategy to be adopted by revolutionary socialist forces. This involves a long, protracted and uneven struggle over the hegemonic hold of the dominant group, and is eventual replacement by the hegemony of the subordinate groups aspiring to power and the radical transformation of society. According to Gramsci (1971) he says that, in critical political economy the revolutionary forces have to take civil society before they take the state, and therefore have to build a coalition of oppositional groups united under a hegemonic banner which usurps the dominant or prevailing hegemony.

Gramsci (1971) write that the nature of civil society make sure of this;

“Civil society has become a very complex structure and one which is resistant to the catastrophic incursion of the immediate economic element (crises, depression and so forth). The superstructures of civil society are like the trench systems of modern warfare. In war it would sometimes happen that a fierce artillery attack seemed to have destroyed the enemy’s entire defensive system, whereas in fact it had only destroyed the outer perimeter…”. The same thing happens in politics, during the great economic crises” (Gramsci 1971:235)

Keane (1988a:33-6) suggests that the political dichotomy of left and right is not very helpful in sorting out this history and developing a modern and progressive understanding of civil society. In critical political economy, while we may find in Gramsci something of a useable tripartite model of state, civil society and economy, most of the Marxian tradition has tended to collapse civil society into bourgeois society, thereby dismissing it as the domain of ideology. And as the blueprint for the organization of society, the meshing of social life with the political life has not met with much historical success. Dahlgren (1995:126) states that in critical political economy of mass communication, the right today tries to equate civil society with the space where the private citizen can pursue his or her individualism, free from the interventionism of the state, thereby turning the concept into an argument for neo-liberal tradition, starting with Mill and de Tocqueville, have put politics before economic and appropriately warned that the state can abuse its power, engulf and smoother civil society, and undo the fragile progress towards democratizations.

In critical political economy of mass media Dahlgren (1995:128) states that civil society is thus created through various forms of self-constitution and self-mobilization. For Cohen and Aarato, civil society stands in a dialectical relationship to the political; the political role of civil society is seen not as aiming for the direct control of political power,… but to the generation of influence through the life of democratic associations and unconstrained discussion in the cultural public sphere. Ideally, civil society would function in a similar mediating way vis-à-vis economic society but, under capitalist relations, this vector is obviously less pronounced.

In critical political economy, civil society functions along side with the Neo-Marxist. Hence Dahlgren (1995:127) states that “the domain of civil society is characterized by legal frameworks to guarantee basic rights and to secure pluralism, publicity and privacy from the state, and, at least partially, from the economy. In this regard, they follow Gramsci’s three part model. Cohen and Arato’s orientation is towards the institutional aspects of civil society. In their views, civil society is institutionally composed chiefly of:
(i) The intimate sphere especially the family)
(ii) The sphere of associations (in particular, voluntary associations)
(iii) The many forms of public communication.

Strinati (1995) states that hegemony operates culturally and ideologically through the institutions of civil society which characterize mature liberal-democratic, capitalist societies. These institutions include education, the family, the church, the mass media, popular culture and so forth. Furthermore, civil society is the way Gramsci locates the place culture and ideology within societies, and hegemony is the way he tries to understand how they work.

Curran (1997) further argues that the watchdog perspective is commended for assuming that democracies need informed and participant citizens to manage their common affairs and believes that public debate is more likely to produce rational and just outcomes if it takes account of different views and interest, in some form of active self determination, reasoned debate and social inclusion.

Conclusively, it can be argued that civil society’s plays a salient role in critical political economy of media as public sphere through which the masses can discuss the issues that can influence the way they are govern by the elite. Again Gramsci (1971) ,views civil societies as having the responsibility for production, reproduction, and transformation of hegemony, while the state in responsible for the use of coercion. In Zimbabwe clear example for civil society groups such as MISA, MMPZ, WOZA, Doctors without Boarders, Zimbabwe Crisis and Coalition, Zimbabwe Federation of Trade Unions ZFTU and so forth, fight along side with the masses for social change. While some civil society’s are media oriented others are for human rights and democracy and they play a pivotal role in critical political economy of mass communication. The civil society fight for democracy and to reinforce strong social relations in the society. According to Gramsci (1971) civil society locates the place of culture and ideology within societies


























References
Dahlgren P (1995) Television and the Public Sphere. British. Sage
Char lick R (2003) “Institutional Dynamics in Contemporary Mali- A study of the context for the impact of citizen advocacy world Education report, January 2003.
Norberto B (1988) Gramsci and the concept of civil society in Keane (ed) Democracy and civil society, Verso. London.
Downing J.D.H et al (2004) the Sage handbook of media studies. Sage. London
Hill.D; Class, the crisis of neo-liberal Global Capital, and the role of education and knowledge Workers. Saturday 28 march 2009 PDF

Strinati D (1995) An Introduction to theories of popular culture. Rout ledge. London

What is political marketing? Outline and critical discuss, birth, growth and current status of political marketing.

In this paper definition of political marketing will be explored. The term “political marketing”, is a compounding term that consist of two words bound together. The two words can be defined separately. Thus the term “marketing” and “politics” will be defined separately and then eventually the two terms will be compound together to give a concrete definition that is functional. However, the birth when this concept actually started, its growth that is the expansion of the concept up to the current moment and its current status across the globe will be outline and critical debated upon using various schools of thoughts. Clear local examples will be given for and against in order to explore the whole concept of political marketing.

The American Marketing Association (AMA): defines the term “marketing” as the process of planning and executing the conception, pricing, promotion and distribution of ideas, goods and services to create exchanges that satisfy individual and organizational goals." In addition, the World Marketing Association (WMA): defines “marketing as the core business philosophy which directs the processes of identifying and fulfilling the needs of individuals and organizations through exchanges which create superior value for all parties.” Chapman (2003) defines “marketing” as the management process for identifying, anticipating and satisfying customer requirements profitably.” Basing from the above definitions “marketing” can be general defined as the means of solving customer’s problems profitable. Marketing in political marketing has borrowed the marketing techniques for spreading the ideologies of political actors, individuals and parties. For instance, in Zimbabwe during the March 2008 harmonized election political parties such as ZANU PF, MDC T, MDC and The Mavambo/Sekusile employed several marketing techniques to wean people to vote for them. The good examples were the political advertisement like hundred percent empowerment by ZANU PF. Again the portrayal of political figures such as Prime Minister Morgan Richard Tsvangirai in public media and President Robert Mugabe in privately owned papers like The Standard and Financial Gazette.

Another important term “politics” can be defined as the study and conduct of decision-making power (who's got it, and who hasn't) at the inter-social and societal levels. Some even use the term politology. At whatever scale, politics is the rather imperfect way that we actually do coordinate individual actions for mutual (or strictly personal) gain. Furthermore, to win a political conflict always implies that one has taken power away from one group or faction to give it to another. Most would also acknowledge that political conflict can easily degrade to zero-sum games, with little learned or settled by conflict other than "who won and who lost": Another scholar Lenin said that politics was about "who could do what to whom" (Russian "Kto-Kogo" for "Who-Whom"). As political scientist Harold Lasswell said, politics is "who gets what, when and how." It also concerns how we resolve moral conflicts that are sufficiently serious that they constitute a risk of social disruption - in which case commitment to a common process of arbitration or diplomacy tends to reduce violence - usually viewed as a key goal of civilization. Bernard Crick is a major theorist of this view and also of the idea that politics is itself simply "ethics done in public", where public institutions can agree, disagree, or intervene to achieve a desirable culmination or comprehensive (process) result. For example, in Zimbabwe there are several political parties that use marketing techniques to gain the support of the public. ZANU PF, MDC T and MDC, currently are the two vibrant political parties that use various tactics to gunner support from the masses in Zimbabwe
Commercial marketing is “an organizational function and a set of processes for creating,
Communicating and delivering value to customers and for managing customer relationships in ways that benefit the organization and its stakeholders” (AMA 2004). Marketing has the
Two fold factors of organizational function and organizational processes, whereas it was
previously perceived predominantly as a process. This represents the growth of dedicated
marketing functions within organizations, and also demonstrates the broader acceptance of
marketing as an equal to accounting or research and development.

The compounding of two terms “political marketing”, which is effectively the application of commercial marketing to the political process has been defined in numerous ways by a range of authors over the past two decades, including the works of Gronroos (1990 in O’Shaughnessy, 2001), Harrop (1990),Clemente (1992 in Butler and Collins, 1994), O’Cass (1996a, 1996b), Lock and Harris (1996) and so forth. Political marketing comes from the works of Gronroos (1990 in O’Shaughnessy, 2001) who defines it as “seeking to establish, maintain and enhance long term voter relationships at a profit for society and political parties so that the objectives of the individual political actors and organisations involved are met”. Clemente (1992 in Butler and Collins, 1994), defines political marketing as “the marketing of ideas and opinions which relate to public or political issues or to specific candidates. In general, political marketing is designed to influence people’s votes in elections”.
In addition, O’Cass (1996a, 1996b) sought to portray political marketing as “the analysis, planning, implementation and control of political and electoral
programs designed to create, build and maintain beneficial exchange relationships between a
party and voters for the purpose of achieving the political marketers objectives”. Furthermore, Lock and Harris (1996) went for a dichotomous version of academic political marketing
discourse as being “the study of the processes of exchanges between political entities and their
environment and among themselves with particular reference to the position of those entities
and their communications”, and a slightly more workable practical definition of political
marketing as an activity, where “it is concerned with strategies for positioning and
communications, and the methods through which these strategies may be realised, including
the search for information into attitudes, awareness and response of the target audience.”

Newman (1999 in Newman 2002) brings political marketing back to the basics as “the
application of marketing principles and procedures in political campaigns by various
individuals and organizations”. Interestingly, the definition expands the procedural element of political marketing as “…the analysis, development, execution and management of strategic campaigns by candidates, political parties, governments, lobbyists and interest groups that seek to drive public opinion, advance their own ideologies, win elections and pass legislation and referenda in response to the needs and wants of selected people and groups in society” (Newman 1999). Lees-Marshment (2001) again brings the concept forward as an adaptation of commercial marketing, arguing that “political marketing is about political organizations adapting business marketing concepts and techniques to help achieve their goals…[to] conduct market intelligence to identify the concerns of those they serve change their behavior to meet those demands and communicate their 'product offering' more effectively. O’Shaughnessy (2001) brings three definitions to the debate, their own definition of political marketing as “a structure of business derived labels to explain, map, nuance and condense the exchange dynamics of an election campaign; offering the possibility for new perspectives for interpreting elections”. They also raise the Gronroos (1990) definition cited above, along with

Harrop’s (1990) conceptualization where political marketing was “essentially a form of services
marketing: marketing a party consists in projecting a belief in its ability to govern”. Finally,
Henneberg (2004) refines and re-emphasizes the exchange protocol with the short working
definition of political marketing as “facilitating the societal process of political exchange”.

In order to compare the existing definitions of political marketing against the commercial
marketing definition, the AMA (2004) definition has been divided into six components
categories. “organizational function”, “set of processes”, “set of processes for creating,
communicating and delivering value to customers”, “set of processes for managing customer
relationships in ways that benefit the organization and its stakeholders” and a brief overview of
“organisation and stakeholders”. However, whilst the components of a definition can be
isolated and analyzed independently, the definition still remains a sum of the component parts,
and will be subjected to a final holistic interpretation to examine its applicability to the political
marketing process.

Kelley (1956) is generally credited for being the first person to use the term political marketing. The US literature identifies John Beckley, a member of the campaign team around Thomas Jefferson as one of the first political consultants, though similar roles can no doubt be identified much earlier in other societies. The rise of political marketing in the recent past has been attributed to the development of an investigative press, declining party loyalty, and changes in the political and electoral systems. In particular, scholars have identified the expansion of the media, particularly television as having had a significant impact. There is evidence to suggest that political marketing has contributed to improved communication between the politicians and voters. Especially apparent in the popular and academic literature on both political marketing and political communication is the occupation with image and how much or little it affects the voter. Often the phenomenon of image in politics is said to have risen because of television. However, image has almost as many meanings as the number of people who use it combined concepts from consumer behavior and political science to create a model of voting
behavior in political marketing terms. So far it has only been tested in a primary election in the USA, so its applicability outside such settings has yet to be shown. Most of the literature is concerned with what marketers would view as tactical issues, though Butler and Collins (1996) show the impact of strategy and its importance in governing the direction of the campaign. Most of the electoral markets of the West are mature, the players are established and the positions are set ( Harris:2006).

Birth of Political Marketing
The emergence of political marketing analysis has its roots in a debate initiated by a pair of leading management theorist over twenty five years ago (Wring 1996). Wring (1996) asserts that, with the publication of their ground breaking analysis of non-profit organization, Kotler and Levy (1969) found themselves in the vanguard of a group of marketing scholars committed to challenge their subjects traditionally narrow preoccupation with commercial activity. Lazer and Levy (1969) in their seminal piece the two authors argued that, “… the crux of marketing lies in a general idea of exchange rather than the narrower idea of market transaction. In Britain mass electioneering developed during the course of the nineteenth century following three major extension of the franchise in 1832, 1867 and 1884. Modern political campaigning dates from 1918 and the advent of near universal suffrage. By 1928 every adult over 21 was assured of at least one vote, regardless of gender or property qualification (Wring 1996). Since then the nature and media of political communication have changed. Terms such as “image marker” and “spin” doctor are now part of the popular electoral lexicon and the phrase “political marketing” has become recognized part of academic discourse. Wring (1996) suggest that a cursory glance at material on the subject in Britain and abroad indicates a steady growth in publication since 1980, and a more marked increase during the 1990’s

Kelley (1956) is generally credited with the first use of the term political marketing. The US
literature identifies John Beckley, a member of the campaign team around Thomas Jefferson as
one of the first political consultants, though similar roles can no doubt be identified much
earlier in other societies.The rise of political marketing in the recent past has been attributed
to the development of an investigative press, declining party loyalty, and changes in the
political and electoral systems. In particular, scholars have identified the expansion of the
media, particularly television as having had a significant impact. There is evidence to suggest
that political marketing has contributed to improved communication between the politicians
and voters. Especially apparent in the popular and academic literature on both political
marketing and political communication is the occupation with image and how much or little it
affects the voter. Often the phenomenon of image in politics is said to have risen because of
television. However, image has almost as many meanings as the number of people who use it
combined concepts from consumer behavior and political science to create a model of voting
behavior in political marketing terms. So far it has only been tested in a primary election in the
USA, so its applicability outside such settings has yet to be shown. Most of the literature is
concerned with what marketers would view as tactical issues, though Butler and Collins (1996)
show the impact of strategy and its importance in governing the direction of the campaign.
Most of the electoral markets of the West are mature, the players are established and the
positions are set[ Harris:2006].

In political marketing it is important to note that politics borrows much from business marketing concept which is guided by the four P’s, namely products, price, place and promotion. If political marketing is a borrowed ancient, therefore it means that this phenomenon was there way back before it was recognized. America and British scholars which among includes Kotler are the first scholars to initiate this concept of political marketing (Scammell no year). Products in marketing are the first important “P” which can be used similarly in politics. Historically, the think in business world is that good products must sell itself. The same applies in politics where a good party that respects the rights of the citizens and takes care of the needs of its supporters is likely to live longer. Customers are protected by several rights to make the choice of the product they want depending as whether the product is well packaged and suits the demand of the customers. For instance, in Zimbabwe ZANU PF lost votes to their rival MDC Tsvangirai because they failed to suits the needs and wants of the majority of Zimbabwe. ZANU PF did not address the problems that matters most in people’s life and MDC had to capitalize on that. Political parties in this instance are treated as goods that the electorate can make a choice

In addition, price is another aspect that determines the customer’s choice to buy a product. Here customer can decide whether their money is enough for them to purchase a product depending on the quality and quantity of the products. The same applies in politics where the political party appears like the price of a commodity that customers are prepared to pay for. For example in Zimbabwe ZANU PF failed to lure the votes from electorate because the electorates was not prepared to pay for the cost. MDC and Mavambo/Kusile were the other competing products on the shelves that the voters could not sacrifice to buy. Since 1980 people have been supporting the ZANU PF as a party and their needs and wants were not gratified. The price or the compromise that people made since 1980’s was too much for them to bear up with the party. Land was distributed, but not to every one who need it but to the heavy weight supporters which among includes the war veterans and ministers. The ordinary citizens could not stand the cost of the party manifesto and had to go for other parties.

The third “P”which stands for place identifies the place in which a product can be found. In business and marketing goods or products have to be available at the right place, right time and in right quantities. Some of the revolutions in business have come about by changing places. The same applies in politics where people wish to vote for the political party that can address the bread and butter issues when need be. For example in Zimbabwe ZANU PF which used to rule since 1980, could not address peoples needs such as hunger and starvation, lack of jobs, free education and so forth. When people’s needs are not address they loss trust and flare to continue supporting a party. People shifted to MDC and Mavambo/Sokusile with hope that maybe their plight can be addressed. A political party can lose support if it fails complete to satisfy and instill hope to the people’s demands and needs. Those who fall sick could not get medication from the hospital or clinics because there were no medicines even the nurses and doctors were on strike. People of Zimbabwe lost hope to the ZANU PF and thought otherwise MDC might be the solution to their problems.

The fourth and most important “P” is promotion and in business certain organization gain favors for their products because they can persuade and satisfy the customer needs and wants through promotions. Promotion in business look at how are the chosen targeted groups informed or educated about the organization products. This includes all the weapons of marketing such as armory, advertising, selling, sales promotion, public relations and so forth. Promotion has become the most important “P” to focus on. The same can be applied in politics where political parties have to inform their supporters about their manifesto which addresses the people’s problems. In Zimbabwe promotion is done by all the political parties and the good example is the presidential scholarships to Fort Hare, Cuba, Malaysia and China. Land allocation and the distribution of inputs to the farmers is another promotion in politics. ZANU PF in the past used to educate the children of the war veterans and doctors, chiefs and university intellectuals were given cars so that they can remain loyal to the party. MDC on the other hand, could send their party members oversees, pay for their studies abroad as a way of instilling trust from their followers.

It can be noted that in political marketing campaigns by political parties and donations given to different social group such as the donation of computers to rural schools were there is no electricity, initiating of policies such as the domestic bill to product women, giving land to neighboring country leadership such as Bingo WaMutarika and inviting leaders from other African countries like Mandela in 1990 is a campaigning strategy that can be equated to promotion. It can therefore be argued that political marketing as a phenomenon borrows heavily on marketing concept. This phenomenon could have existed way back before it was recognized.

In addition, one of the earliest and most important studies of professional election campaigning appeared in the mid 1950’s written by American academic Stanley Kelly, “Profession Public Relations and Political Power” in 1956 examine development in political communication including the launch and evolution of the first full service consultancy campaign during the 1930’s. Significantly his study was probably the first to make use of the phrase “Political marketing”. Aside from the growth in specialist literature on electioneering in the United States, several scholars in other countries have begun research into development in and around their regions. Unlike the American research which is increasingly sub-divided and focused on specific cases or campaign activities such as polling or advertising techniques together under the generic term “political marketing”. The fact that several independent scholars from different democracies have recognize the growth of this phenomenon over the last two decades tend to reinforce the belief that there is a major change taking place in the way modern elections are conducted.

Furthermore, large amount of the non-American material on political marketing has been produced by researchers in Europe. Several French writers have been to the fore in this development. These include Lindon who completed his study “marketing politique et social”, in the 1970’s (Lindo 1976). In 1980 a group of French scholars including Charlotte, David and Piotet convened at Liege University to consider the growing importance of the phenomenon in Western Europe (Piotet et al, 1980) Wanger has pioneered the study of political marketing in German and in Italy Mazzoleni investigated the growth of political marketing, whilst a pair of experts have charted developments in Spain (Roce and Rives, 1982)

Again other research completed on political marketing includes material from countries as far afield as Canada (Leiss et al, 1990) Australia (Piffen, 1989) New Zealand (Denmark, 1991) and Columbia (Salazar Vargas, 1994). Judging from the above mentioned examples it is clear that political marketing is an old phenomenon that has been used and studied. However, nothing much is heard about how much impact this phenomenon hat to the African continent. It can be argued that political marketing is a technique that is used across the globe. There are some schools of thought like Wring (1996) who strongly believe that political marketing was first used by African nationalist such as Nkwame Nkrumah in the early 1960’s. What is amazing is that despite the use of this phenomenon in Africa no studies have been conducted. South Africa which had its election used this technique of political market at global scale. Technological advancement such as satellite television/channels, internet, news groups and conglomerate media have assisted immensely African countries such as South Africa, Ghana, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Zambia and many others to cast their party ideology using political marketing strategy. This probably indicates that currently political marketing is operating at global scale due to new media technology.

Political marketing implies the usage of marketing tools, techniques and methods in political
Process (Menon, 2008). However, Menon (2008) asserts that in other words, political marketing is the outcome of the marriage between marketing and politics. As an activity and method, it reflects the penetration of the political space by marketing. Political advertising, Celebrity endorsements, involvement of professional consultants and campaign managers, online campaigning, mobile phone canvassing, segmentation, micro targeting and so forth are some of the methods extensively used in political marketing (Menon 2008). Though political marketing is increasingly used in democratic political systems in which mass support is significantly important to sustain power; military rulers also use marketing strategy to build their branded image. The influence of professional marketing has affected the working style of political parties. Parties became more market oriented and began to frame there programs and policies in tune with opinion polls and market surveys. Information revolution and globalization have played a vital role in changing the pattern and content of traditional political campaigning into one of the most professional and sophisticated marketing tactics. It is argued that if a political party implements the marketing philosophy, it will seek to meet voters needs and wants, thus producing voter satisfaction, and in doing so gain electoral support to meet its own goals.[Marshment:2006]

Political marketing in Britain
Margaret Thatcher’s leadership proved to be the watershed in the development of political marketing in Britain. Elected Conservative leaders in 1975, Thatcher set out to rejuvenate a party demoralized by defeat in the two general elections of 1974. Within four years a revitalized organization had established a close working relationship with advertising agency Saatchi and Saatchi. Wring (1996) says that there is evidence that the political marketing concept shaped the manifesto and electoral strategy in all three elections under Lady Thatcher’s leadership. Following their emphatic 1979 victory the Conservative continued to re-organize their campaign machinery In 1981 Central office employed Christopher Lawson to head a new marketing department. Judging from the evidence fore fronted above, it is therefore clear that political marketing techniques is an old phenomenon which can be traced as far back as Thatcher’s time, or perhaps even before her days. This phenomenon had grown immensely up to the present moment where it is globalised.

Nevertheless, the impact and enduring importance of political marketing in Britain has been most comprehensively documented in the wealth of material which has appeared in the run-up to and after the 1992 general elections. For instance, while Harrop’s (1990)’s critical; review of the subject matter in Parliamentary Affairs, O’Shaughnessy (1990) uses a chapter to contrast British and American electioneering. Television producer Rees cover similar ground to Bruce in part of selling politics, a book based on the BBC “Time Watch” series of the same name (Rees, 1992)


Currant status of political marketing

Political marketing as a phenomenon has spread its tentacles. As a concept this approach put the customer at the beginning rather than at the end of production cycle (Barker, 1991). For instance, in Canada there are now two types of national political consultants. Party consultants have commandeered the authority once held by regional officials. Despite increasing presence of political consultants, all indications are that Canadian elections promotional activities are relatively static. (Marland 2003). Classical political marketing, at the national level have professional produced television advertisements’, media relations experts who wage spin control, and planned events such as leader tours and television debates (Marland2002). Classical political marketing nowadays enables the canvassing of electors to identify supporters by telephone, instead of on the doorsteps, although advertising still typically includes signage, brochures, and community newspapers in Canada. Perhaps the most visible modernization in recent years has been parties’ mediocre websites that provide daily campaign updates and which are sometimes mirrored by candidates’ amateurish online presence.

American-style political marketing is creeping into Canadian electioneering. The use of five classic and five newer marketing techniques, such as comparative advertising, celebrity endorsement, and permanent campaign are explored, while technological innovations such as internet campaigning, rob calls, and video imaging are also witnessed as an indication of the status of political marketing in Canada. Moreso, in Zimbabwe the main political parties such as ZANU PF and two MDC parties have electronic websites that reflects the structure, mandate, advertisement and manifesto of their parties. Through public media and the private media such as The Standard, Independent had political advertisements that were flighted in March 2008, during the harmonized elections. Perhaps what can be queried about Zimbabwe is the lack of effective implementation of political marketing techniques, which may be cause by lack of democracy. Political marketing is only vibrant in countries where there is democracy. The use of marketing concept in political marketing which includes 4 P’s thus products, price, place and promotion was never used effectively in Zimbabwe in March 2008 harmonized elections. In South Africa, in the recent election marketing concept were used by all the political parties and the choice of Jacob Zuma as the new elected president shows that people still have faith and trust with ANC. The ANC was effectively branded and a lot of money was poured in to campaign which could be the other reason for their victory.

Celebrity endorsements
In commercial marketing, celebrity are paid t endorse products in an effort to transfer the celebrity’s qualities. Similarly, American and British politicians regularly socialize with the range of entertainment stars, together choreographing photo-ops to augment each others profile. In Zimbabwe, after the inauguration of Tsvangirai and Mutambara, certain artists were there to entertain and endorse the “All inclusive government”. In South Africa recently the newly elected president Jacob Zuma came on the satellite television dancing with re-owned South Africa musician. For example, Mudumo African program that comes out every week. During elections, Republicans and Democratic campaigns are endorsed by who’s who list of Hollywood types, some whom are actually Canadians, such as star Treks Williams Shatner’s recent involvement in an Ohio gubernatorial campaign. In Zimbabwe during the 1980’s the coming of Bob Marley and Soul Brothers was a celebrity endorsement which indicate the growth of political marketing which started in 1980’s or even way back around 1960’s in Africa after its recognition in Europe.

However, celebrities have a low profile in Canadian federal elections. Perhaps the last time they were widely involved was during the failed 1992 Charlotte town Accord referendum where electors widely rejected elites. One respondent suggested that, since then Canadian strategists believe that quasi-celebrities such as bank CEO’s have only narrow appeal and can actually do more harm than good. As for Canadian entertainers, because so many achieve stardom only after they have left the country, it is considered difficult to source the support of Hollywood-type celebrities. Marland (2003) state that “one party consultant put it,” parties seek endorsements from credible people who allow you to say that you have growth potential”.

Erdogan (1999) notes that in Canada it is quite the opposite in the constituencies where in 2000 and 2002 candidates received endorsements from local musicians, athletes, politicians, minority groups leaders, as well as electors fitting demographic profiles. These political celebrities leverage their media status in an attempt to raise the profile of the party’s local candidate, to build moral among volunteers, and to generate local campaign momentum.

In addition, political marketing strategy has permeated every sphere of life and media. Malicious election advertising often explicitly targets the weaknesses of competing parties or candidates. These highly emotional broadcast advertisement accentuated issues and policy shortcomings, or attack the personal character of an opponent. They are an vogue among political consultants because, although electors say that they do not like the practice they are more likely to recall negative rather than positive messages. Moreover, controversial advertisement can also attract news coverage, and going negative is often thought necessary to effectively counter an opponent’s negatively. In Zimbabwe this technique is witnessed quite often. Pictures of politicians in newspapers appear differently with negative connotation to de-campaign each other. For instance, Tsvangirai’s portrait in public media and President Mugabe in privately owned papers. The progressive Conservatives infamously mocked Liberal leader Jean Chretien’s face paralysis in their 1993 advertisement and in 1997 the Reform Party’s advertising sneered at Quebec politicians. Despite the public debate that followed the 2000 campaign saw the PC’s label the liberals are liars, while the Liberal Party was busy slugging the “hidden agenda” of the leader of the Canadian Alliance.

Internet campaign:
Use of internet as an emerging political marketing tool enables the political parties to segment their supporters. The internet’s economical integration of interactive visuals, sound and data suggest that it may revolutionize election campaigning. Presently, may Americans campaigns purchase banner advertising on popular websites, send unsolicited electronic mails to electors, and use e-commerce software to accept donations online. Kipper (1993) say that, in Canadian politics, the internet is used to displace otherwise costly communication, and is starting to be used for get-out-the –vote efforts. In Zimbabwe the main political parties have the websites through which one can surf. The only problem is that some of the website are not updated and only few citizens access the website. However, lack of an online presence by any of the political parties during the 2000 election campaigns is indicative in Canadian electioneers’ skepticism about the World Wide Web. Banners advertising were used only somewhat by two parties, email had an almost exclusive internal office function, and online donations were an almost exclusive internal office function, and online donations were an after thought. Despite considerable technological changes, Canadian parties’ use of the internet in 2000 was not much different from the 1997 campaign, although by comparison news media website stores substantial content.

It can therefore be concluded that political marketing is a compounding term, which is derived from two independent entities thus “politics” plus “marketing”. Politics in short can be defined as “who gets what, when and how”. In addition, it is the study and conduct of decision making power. “Marketing” on the other hand can be shortly defined as the process of planning and executing the conception, pricing, promotion and distribution of ideas. It is mainly concerned with four “P”, that is products, pricing, place and promotion. Therefore it can be summarized that the term “political marketing” can be defined broadly by scholars such as Gronroos (1990), Harrop (1996), Clement, Newman (1999) and so forth. Political marketing borrows heavily from marketing and uses the marketing concepts. Kelly (1956) is credited for being the first to use the term “political marketing” (Venu 2008). Again the rise of political marketing has been attributed to the development of an investigative press, declining party loyalty and changes in the political and electoral system. Currently, political marketing has been globalised and certain techniques such as celebrity endorsement, internet campaign, political branding, advertisement and so forth are used to gain the support of the masses towards a certain political party.











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Multimedia communication as an agent of cultural imperialism Mr C Masuku( Media and Society Studies Department at Midlands State university)

The assertion that , “Multimedia communication is an agent of cultural imperialism”, has awake the scholars and invoked them to talk about from several point of view. A well informed judgement will be given in support of the exposition from Southern Africa, in which Zimbabwe falls. It is vital and apt from the preamble to define key terms like Multimedia, communications, culture and imperialism.

The term “Multimedia”, is defined from different angles, as it is suggested by Biagi (1999:382) as the term used to describe any media that combines texts, graphic, sounds and video. Calvert (1996) defines Multimedia as essentially linking traditional type of media into one environment. Hansen (1997) defines it as a “synthesis of digital media types of combining text, graphics, audio, animation and video. From the three definitions, interactivity is a feature of most multimedia, new media or hyper-media

Vambe and Gunduza (1999) viewed multimedia in three different components. These are Oramedia, print media and electronic media. Ora-media includes songs, speech, dance, folk-tales and idioms. Print media includes newspapers, books, letters and all other printed matters, Electronic media include television, telephones, fax and satellites digital communication. In short, multimedia is a dynamic fusion of several media to create one text, which can be oral, written or electronic.

Sullivan et al (1983) defines communication as ; “ the creation and exchange of meaning, in which message, people in cultures and reality interact so as to enable meanings to be produced and understanding to occur. Nyamajiwa (2003) defines communication as the creation and exchange of meaning between individuals who are essentially different but, have something in common to enable them to share what each one has.

Williams (1990) identified three categories of culture. Culture to him is; “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, customs and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society”. Williams (1990)'s first category of culture is “a general process of intellectual, spiritual and aesthetic development. The second category of culture refers, “to a particular way of life whether a people, or a period, a group or humanity in general. The third and last category refers to culture as the works of practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity.From the above three categories, culture therefore refers to such practices such as language, the art, fashion, philosophy, journalism or the mass media and advertising . Hence culture is then asserted by Williams (1990) as a; “complex whole, which includes cultural practices such as consumption and shopping, economic practices through which people manage to satisfy their material needs and political practices or aspects of life which involves the distribution of power within and between collectives.

Fourie (1996:198) defines culture as everything from the cultivation of civilisation, human faculties or manners, the improvement of the intellectual by means of education, to the cultivation of plants or animals. Hagget (1983:248) defines culture as, “the patterns of learned human behaviour that forms a durable template by which ideas and images can be transferred from one generation to another. Cummings et al (1983:158) says that culture is a totality of knowledge, belief, values and attitude held by society across time. Stuart (19800 asserts that “culture is ordinary”. What one does at the present moment, the way he/she carries around him or herself is part of culture. One salient issue is that culture is dynamic and it changes all the time.

Another important term to be defined is “cultural Imperialism” This is a compounding term that is made up of two separate terms that can be defines and interpreted differently if time permit. Schiller (1986) defines “cultural Imperialism”, as the subjection of a country to undue pressure by a culture of the metropolitan (bigger powers). In addition, it is characterised by an unidirectional pattern, creating imbalance and a colonial cultural dependence of the North by the South. Cultural dependence also includes reliance on the West from technology to produce and disseminate these cultural products.

Bullock and Stallybrass (1977:303) assert that; cultural imperialism is the use of political and economic power to exalt and spread the values and habits of a foreign culture at the expense of a native culture.

Tomlison (19910 state that, cultural imperialism refers to a range of broadly similar phenomena. He further claimed that defining this compound term requires a broadly accepted view of both “culture” and “imperialism”. Furthermore, Tomlison (1991:4) point out that the term; “imperialism”, refers primarily to a political system and the other to an economic system. He further pointed out that the term, “imperialism”, refers to the domination associated with global reach of capitalism. Soviet 'imperialism” is believed to mean political domination of Eastern bloc satellite. Lenin (No year) perceived Imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism.

Bilton et al (1981) defines “cultural imperialism” as “the aggressive promotion of Western culture based on the assumption that its value system is superior and preferable to those of non Western culture. Bilton et al asserts that; “cultural Imperialism” lead to the construction and establishment of big firms like Econet, Bertelsmann, Viacom, Sonny, News Corporation, Walt Disney, General Electric and so forth. These corporate firms are more than media house as they are engaged in other business non other than the media related business. Their ownership patterns are either vertical, horizontal, cross ownership or diagonal.

In addition, cultural imperialism in the Southern African region is reinforced through the use of language such as English. Webster et al (1981:68) argued that; “ One key vehicle through which this occurs is the way the global firms tend to use English as a world language”. In historic terms, the ubiquity of English that is relatively recent. It has much to do, first, with the impact of British colonialism-on whose land “the sun never set”. Hence it can be true to support that;, “Multimedia communication” is an agent of cultural imperialism in Southern Africa like Zimbabwe.

Nevertheless, the communication technology upon which global interconnectedness, so heavily relies and uses English for the bulk of its data information storage and exchange like the internet, cellphones, books, television and so forth makes it possible for the rest of the world to believe that media are “American”. The leisure industry is similarly tied into English, especially via the English-Language based music industry; “Madonna is unlikely ever to have to go to language school to sell her record”. From this claim it is true that multimedia communication is an agent of cultural imperialism in Southern Africa like Zimbabwe. In short, Becker (1981) ans similar theorist believe that this dominance of Western Cultural products ensures the long-term survival of capitalist world markets

Another supporting evidence to back up the claim that Multimedia communication is an agent of cultural imperialism in Southern region especially in Zimbabwe is exposed by the use of satellite broadcasting and satellite television. Chari et al (2003) argued that Dstv is a pretty new phenomenon that hits the market in Zimbabwe. From his contribution, it can be observed that Dstv (Direct Satellite television) is an economic market equipped with technology, which is electronic media. As multimedia communication tool it transcend the cultural imperialism by portraying the Western cultures image meaning and the language which is foreign to the local population, that is English. In contrary one would argue that since this is watched by few audiences in urban centres, it has less influence on the local culture, hence the assertion can be dismissed as untrue that multimedia communication causes cultural imperialism in Zimbabwe

The Web (www.com) is one media which contributes immensely to multimedia communication. The web goes a step further than e-mail in that it shares text graphics, video and audio on-line. It requires a series of technology with its cultural manipulations that enable users to “roam”, which is a form of scanning through various websites for topic interest. It need a computer, modem and a telephone. Biagi (2000:219) claims that, this means the web has ushered a new culture of communication on that changes social relations in the world. Social site such as Face book, Tagged, Sky rock, Goggle chat, hot-mail chat,Multiply.com, Twitter, 24.com (South Africa) and many others enables people across the globe to communicate and exchange their culture.

The extensive trade, commerce and education provided to the masses about new media technology, has its cultural which widely leads to the creation of corporate companies like IBM, Compaq, Dell, Econet, Viacom, Walt Disney, Bertelsmann, news Corporation, general Electric,Sonny, Vivendi and so forth. Such organisation are meant for economic market, political, ideological domination and disseminate certain knowledge, norms and values which influences human behaviour.

In a nutshell it can be argued that “Multimedia Communication” has resulted to global culture, that is culture without fixed root. This highlights the powers of Transnational corporations (TNC's) and global media organisations and the ideological baggage they bring with them and impose on other. However, cultural imperialism has been criticised for failing to recognise that countries subject to TNC's influence do not necessarily absorb all their ideologies like some sort of cultural sponge. It can therefore be concluded that 'cultural imperialism” is the aggressive promotion of Western Culture based on the assumption that its values system is superior and preferable to those of non-Western culture.

Non-verbal communication in conversation

Many people ask themselves multi-million questions as to whether they can communicate without uttering a word?. Again they ask whether communication without vocal sound has more implicature to their day to day communication? The answer lies with non-verbal communication that can be achieved without vocal sound, but rather convey messages through signs.

Non verbal communication is communication that takes place silently without vocal sounds and can be in the form of body language, gestures, symbols, sound, For instance, in one of the module that I take journalism and desktop publishing, if a student seat with one leg on top of the other like a chief collecting tribute it communicates that the student is not there and have no interest with what am imparting. When the speaker's attitude language matches the content of his words, the listener knows immediately that the speaker is honest and sincere in what he says.

3.The language of objects
Communication can sometimes take place by means of objects; for example the furniture in an interview room, the certificates on the wall, the size of desk behind the type of carpet, the person's clothing and the mobile handset one possesses. The object around a person show his status, how successful he is, and what respect he should be given.

4.Language symbols

Language is a vehicle through which the message can be disseminated to the intended audiences. Language can be connative; that is influential, functional, persuasive, abusive, melodious, delicate and perhaps powerful especially if nicely packaged using the rhetoric devices like assonance, litotes, onomatopoeia, rhyme, rhythm and so forth. The implicature that the language carries is something that need not to be over emphasis. One can shed tears, smile, wry-le the month, tighten the face, spite silver, collapse or gain confidence.
These include the speaker's tone, the speed at which he speaks, the volume he maintains, the quality of voice (pitch), and the movements he makes in order to make his words meaningful.

The good example is when a speaker speaks monotonously without ever varying his tone, his listeners will stop listening to him and think he is boring. This judgement does not rest what he says, but rather on how he says it.It is important to deliver your speech in style, with wisdom, courage and expertise to gain control of the floor.

5.Physical action

Physical action has to do with space and the environment surrounding. Physical action attracts attention and therefore is important that actions are only to assist effective communication. The action can better express the speaker's personality while creating at the same time a good mood in the audience. Thus meaningless, mechanical or stereotyped movements and gestures should be avoided.

The most important elements of physical action are postures, movements, gestures and facial expression.

6. Movements

Movement usually attracts attention, so lecturers or communicators has to make sure that they do not distract the listeners,s attention from what you are saying. Effective movement is natural, matching the language, the voice and the meaning of the speaker. Ineffective movement is often seen when the speaker walks about without purpose backwards and forwards. General lack of movement may be unnatural. Purposeful, meaningful, complete and suitable movement, when it holds meaning for the audience or listener, will attract favourable attention and contribute to effective communication.

7. Gesture

Gestures is a science of movement and speaks volume about a person. When a part of the body is moved, a gesture is made. For example, the movement of arms, hands, head, shoulders or feet. They may be classified as follows;

(a) Descriptive gestures: these are usually show meaning either directly or indirectly

(b) Symbolic gestures: these can include such signs as a balled first( to indicate power, determination, might or anger).

(c)Locative gesture: these show place, position or direction

(d)Emphatic gesture: these are used when ideas need to be emphasised or established

(e) Dramatic or imitative gestures: These are gestures used by a speaker when he wishes to imitate someone.

THE FLOWER THAT I LOVE

When she looks at the sky, the sky looks through her
As she smile all the water lilies oozes
She always wear an iron curved smile
I love this flower

With a soft cooing voice she mellows my heart
When she speak, there is rhyme and rhythm in my ears
She pouts her lips like a coca-cola bottle
Two holed checks manifest,
A heart face protrude
The flower is beautiful

She walks like a tom cat
Her breast is decorated with two hills
Her forehead glitters with love
I like this flower

Life is never the same with or with out her
She gives me hope all the time
She gives me reassurance
Despair run away from her
I like this holed check born woman

She mellows my heart
As i think about her my heart throbs like drum beat
Her curved hips twist from an acute to an obtuse angle
i Love this flower

She carries the fountain of love in her face
A pool of it in her breast,
Melody and sweetness in her waist ,
Sea of it in her body
She quench my thirst for love
I love this flower

MEDIA ETHICS

Mr C Masuku (Midlands State University)
Masuku.caven@gmail.com,masuku.caven@gmail.com or masukuc@msu.ac.zw

2011-03-01

Presentation for Gweru Press Club


MEDIA ETHICS


The term “ “Ethics”, is a contested terrain that can be defined from a multiplicity of ways. Several scholars under here will be quoted in their attempt to define “ethics” in journalism. Ethics are very salient and journalist should adhere to it for professionalism and credibility in their day to day business of gathering, processing and disseminating of news to the widely dispersed audiences with various norms and values and ethical traits.

Ethics is broadly understood as a fundamental factor that deals and plays a role in human life and interaction between individuals, and the individual and society. Ronning (2002) notes that “it is about how we should live our lives as media practitioners. In addition, ethics applies to issues of virtues and vices, and questions basic principles and rules in the evaluation of human conduct and social relations. It is concerned about character and conduct. Ethics can also be understood as the systematic study of morality and examines basic moral attitudes, dispositions, beliefs, standards, principles, ideals and practices (Ronning 2002)

Nevertheless, Days (2000:3) submit that, media ethics involves the accepted values or moral norms of a society's notion about what is right or wrong and the distinction between virtue and vice. It can therefore be argued that ethics defines what is morally acceptable using values as the basis of human behaviour, where the decision about right or wrong are made ( Seib and Fitzpatrick 1997:3) Ethics is seldom practiced in the same way in different societies and cultures.

Moreover, Hohenberg (1976: 320) argued that reporters and editors as a rule are much more concerned about ethical consideration than their critics believe. The old notion that you “get the story and to hell with everything else have no responsible defenders”.

It is important and can not be overemphasised that code of ethics can be; (i) aspirational (what we aspire to be) (ii) educational (this is how we can address ethical questions),(iii) regulatory (this is what we do if the code is breached) or a mixture of all three (Frankel 1989 ,Sri Lanker Press Institute ). Chadiwick (1995) states that ethical codes usually have the following segments: (i0 aspirations, (ii) standards, (iii) Disclosure, (IV) value and Enforcement

In addition, Professor Black (1997) says that “ethics entails making tough decision-not the obvious choices between right and wrong, but the tough choices between not-quite completely-right, or even choosing between the lesser of two wrongs.” One salient issue about ethics is that; “Ethical journalism can never be guaranteed simply by resorting to a list of dos and don'ts, Emmanuel Levinas (1969:178) one of the French philosopher said that;
“It is only in approaching the other that i attended to myself... In discourse i expose
myself to the questioning of others, and the urgency of the responses acuteness of
the present-engenders me for responsibility; as responsible i am brought to my final
reality”.

Therefore judging from the above quotation media practitioners should be guided and be influenced by others, that is the society at large. Their discourse should not harm others and should always tell both side of the story without taking sides. Every word, message and expression from media houses to the audiences should be a reality. Facts instead of rumours or hearsay should not find its way to the media.


There are three ethical philosophies postulated by Brook et al (1998) that guides and oils the codes of ethics in journalism as follows;

Absolutism ethics:
Absolutism holds that there is a fixed set of principles or law, from which there should be no deviation (Brook et al 1998). Principles become rules that in turn, are treated like laws. Some refer to this kind of ethical philosophy as “legalism”. This philosophy is based on the meritocracy that “if it is wrong to lie, it always is wrong to lie. If a rapist asks where his intended victim is the absolutist could not lie to save a life. If the action is right, it does not matter whether a friend is killed. The consequences are irrelevant. Another scholar Harcup (2007:138) says that; “respect for truth is the first principle in journalism and journalism is about informing and empowering the citizens of a society, holding the powerful to account, and facilitate a public sphere of rational discussion. An absolutist or legalistic ethical philosophy could spawn a conscientious objector who not only would refuse to take up arms but who would refuse even to go to war as a medic.

Furthermore, Brook et al (1998:462) state that “absolutist journalist is concerned only with whether an event is newsworthy. If it is interesting, timely, significantly or important, it is to be reported regardless of the consequences”. The absolutism philosophy is attractive to some journalists because it assumes the need for full disclosure. Nothing news-worth ever is withheld from the public. In the end, these journalists believe, publishing without fear of the consequences or without favour for one group's interests over another is the highest ethical principle. This ethical practice indicates the seriousness by media practitioner in their day to day business of news coverage.

Antinomian ethics:
Antinomianism rejects all rules and in effect, all ethics. According to Brooks et al (1998), “the antinomian has neither a predetermined standard of conduct nor moral rules”. Actions in any situation are spontaneous and unpredictable. Antinomian journalists are not concerned with motives, consequences or obligations. That does not mean that they would always lie, cheat or steal. Antinomian journalist might pose as someone other than a journalist in an attempt to gather information on some occasions, and they would not be bothered by doing it. Antinomian's have faith in their ability to extemporize in any situation. No premeditation or preparation is required. While the concept of absolutism is attractive to many journalists, few chose antinomianism. The principle that the press has a responsibility to the reader implies a concern for the consequences that antinomians do not have.

Situation Ethics
Situation ethics lies between the two extremes of antinomianism and absolutism. Unlike antinomianism, situationism does not hold that everything is relative. The Situationism knows, understands and accepts the ethical maxims of the community and its heritage and weighs them carefully before making a decision (Brook et al 1998). However, unlike the absolutism, the situationist is prepared to compromise them or to set them aside completely if unselfish love for one's neighbour demands it. For example, a situationist most likely belies that lying is unethical, but if a rapist ask where his intended victim is a situationist would lie to save a life. In a broad sense then, for the person holding to situation ethics, people always come first. Sometimes this takes the form of utilitarianism. The prevailing ethics in journalism today is what Mill (1960) called “utilitarianism”; the greatest good for the greatest number.

It can be argued that the purpose of codes of ethics in journalism helps a group define and redefine itself, declares to others what the group is about with regard to purpose, values and standards. Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ) 2005, states that;

“In the context of journalism, the code of ethics is seen as a fair and comprehensive
account for events and issues, founded and presented in truth for “Public enlightenment”
and serve as a “forerunner of justice”

This means in essence that for the news media to serve the public well, it must be free from distorting pressure exerted by politicians or economic forces and must continue to obtain, keep and increase freedom in order to be trusted and protected by the general public and to gain the support of readers, listeners, viewers to which accountability is to be rendered (Independent Press Council (IPC) 2005).

It is salient to note that there is no single media system that is better than the other. Whether media system is self-regulated or government-controlled, there will be different aspects of ethics that need to be addressed. The code of ethics practiced by journalist is dependent on the defined and accepted values or moral norms in the particular society where the journalists are, and these defined codes of ethics determines the right and the wrong (International Journalists network (2005a).

The Society of professional Journalists (SPJ) asserts that;

“The duty of the journalists is to further those ends by seeking truth and
providing a comprehensive account of events and uses. Conscientious
journalists from all media and specialties strive to serve the public with
thoroughness and honesty. Professional integrity is the cornerstone of a
journalist's credibility...”

The most important ethical codes of journalism that permeates both in print, broadcasting and on-line journalism are as follows;
(i)Seeking the truth and reporting it
(ii)Fairness
(iii) Minimize Harm
(iv) Act Independently
(v)Accountability

Journalist as professionals need to adhere to ethics and should often ask themselves the following questions;
(i) What is public interest?
(ii)What precisely, is the public interest here?
(iii) How, precisely, will it be served by my actions?
(iv)Am i confident i can defend my answers in public?
(MEAA (1997) Ethics in Journalism)

1. Seek truth and reporting it
A journalist should be honest, fair and courageous in gathering, reporting and interpreting information. Professional journalist

Test the accuracy of information from all sources and exercise care to avoid inadvertent error. Deliberate distortion is never permissible.

Journalist should diligently seek to subjects of news stories to give them the opportunity to respond to allegations of wrongdoings.

Journalist must identify sources whenever feasible. The public is entitled to as much information as possible on sources reliability.

Journalist worth the salt should always question sources' motives before promising anonymity.
Journalist and newsrooms must clarify conditions attached to any promises made in exchange for information.
A good and professional journalist keeps promises
Media practitioners must make certain that headlines, news teases and promotional material, photos, video, audio, graphics, sound bites and quotations do not misrepresent. They should not oversimplify or highlight incidents out of contexts.

Journalist and media houses should label montages and photo illustrations.
Media practitioners must avoid misleading re-enactments or stage news events. If re-enactment is necessary to tell a story, label it.

Journalist must at all cost avoid under-cover or other surreptitious methods of gathering information except when traditional open methods will not yield information vital to the public.

Use of such methods for professionalism seek should be explained as part of the story.

Never plagiarize information. Plagiarism is tantamount to shop lifting.
A professional journalist examines their own cultural values and avoids imposing those values on others.
Avoid stereotyping by race, gender, age, religion, ethnicity, geography, sexual orientation, disability, physical appearance or social status.

Journalist at times should support views, even views that are repugnant.

Give voice to the voiceless, officials and unofficial sources of information
Journalist should recognise a special obligation to ensure that the public business is conducted in the open and that government records are open to inspection.

(IJNET (2005a) Singapore code of ethics: Journalist’s code of professional Conduct, International Journalist's Network)

2. Fairness

RONNING (2002:86) STATE THAT TO ASK FOR FAIRNESS AND BALANCE IS TO ASK THAT EVALUATE LANGUAGE BE AVOIDED THAT THE MATERIAL SHOULD NOT BE SLANTED.GENERAL CRITICISMS OF NOTIONS OF FAIRNESS AND BALANCE ARE THAT THEY ARE LIMITED VIRTUES, TAKE THE MIDDLE LINE AND THUS EXCLUDE VIEWS THAT ARE MORE CONTROVERSIAL.

(A)Fair and reasonable opportunity to reply should be given to ordinary people or organizations in respect of factually incorrect statements endangering their reputation, dignity, honour, feelings, privacy and office. The reply should be confined to the complainants’ version of facts and no longer than necessary to correct the alleged inaccuracy.

ON THE RECORD: INFORMATION ABOUT TO BE USED AND ATTRIBUTED TO THE SOURCE BY NAME.
ON BACKGROUND: INFORMATION ABLE TO BE USED BUT NOT ATTRIBUTED TO THE SOURCE BY NAME.
OFF THE RECORD:INFORMATION NOT BE USED AT ALL. AGREEMENTS SHOULD BE MADE BEFORE THE MAIN CONVERSATION WITH THE SOURCE STARTS NOT AFTER INFORMATION IS GIVEN

(b) newspapers or journalists who respond to a complainant's reply other than to apologise or regret the error, must then be prepared to offer the aggrieved party a fresh opportunity to reply
(sri lanka press institute)

Therefore journalist should avoid at all cost to produce inaccuracy or distorted information, surreptitious gathering of information (eg) undercover techniques, deception and duplicity, subterfuge etc.
(Sri Lanka Press Institute)

3. Minimize harm
Ethical journalist treat sources, subjects and colleagues as human beings deserving of respect Above all journalist should among other things;
(a) Show compassion for those who may be affected adversely by news coverage.
(b) Use special sensitivity when dealing with children and inexperienced sources or subjects.
(c)Recognize that gathering and reporting information may cause harm or discomfort. Pursuit of news is not a license for arrogance.

(d) Recognize that private people have a greater right to control information about themselves than do public officials and others who seek power, influence and attention. It is only an overriding public need can justify intrusion into anyone's privacy.
(e) Avoid pandering to lurid curiosity.

(f) Be judicious about naming criminals suspects before the formal filing of charges.
At last balance a criminal suspects fair trial rights with the publics right to be informed.
(SPJ (2005) SPJ Code of Ethics)


4. Act Independently
Journalist's should be free of obligation to any interest other than the publics right to know. Therefore a journalist should adhere to the following practices;
(a) Avoid conflict of interest, real or perceived

(b)Remain free of associates and activities that may compromise integrity or damage credibility.

(c)Refuse gifts, favours, fees, free travel and special treatment, and political involvement, public office and service in community organizations if they compromise journalistic integrity.

(d) Disclose unavoidable conflicts.

(e) Be vigilant and courageous about holding those with power accountable.

(f) Deny favoured treatment to advertisement and special interests and resist their pressure to influence news coverage.

(g) Be wary of sources offering information for favours or money avoid bidding for news.
(IJNET (2005a) Singapore Code of Ethics: International Journalists Network)

5.be accountable
media houses and journalist should be accountable to their readers, listeners, viewers and each other. in addition, journalist should;
(a) clarify and explain news coverage and invite dialogue with the public.
(b) encourage the public to voice grievances against the news media
(c)admit mistakes and correct them promptly
it can be argued that journalist owe it to the public

6.objective reality
it is argued that journalist owe it to the public to report things that are objectively true, although this is not always possible. Given little time reporters have to check on the facts they are reporting (Ronning 2002) in objectivity the reporter write factually without being coloured by biases. this is an ideal-writing without any prejudices, distancing oneself from the facts. objectivity is the opposite of subjectivity (Misa 2002). in addition, empiricism plays a big role in objectivity. objectivity also means writing fairly and that the concept presumed neutrality in journalism. it is important for journalist to cross check what sources are telling them with other sources to ensure that what they finally report corresponds to the objective reality. Ronning (2002:122) say that in Africa “vendetta journalism” has been practiced. THIS IS UNTRUE BUT STILL GOES AHEAD AND REPORTS it so that they square up or hurt their enemy who is the subject of news. Vendetta journalism is clearly unethical

7. PLAGIARISM
MEDIA PRACTITIONERS MUST NOT ENGAGE IN PLAGIARISM. PLAGIARISM CONSIST OF MAKING US OF ANOTHER PERSON’S WORD, PICTURES OR IDEAS WITHOUT PERMISSION AND WITHOUT PROPER ACKNOWLEDGEMENT AND ATTRIBUTION OF THE SOURCE OF THOSE WORDS, PICTURES OR IDEAS (INTERNATIONAL MEDIA SUPPORT 2009)

8.BRIBES AND INDUCEMENTS
MEDIA PRACTITIONERS AND MEDIA INSTITUTIONS MUST NOT PUBLISH OR SUPPRESS A REPORT OR OMIT OR ALTER VITAL FACTS IN THAT REPORT IN RETURN FOR PAYMENT OF MONEY OR FOR ANY OTHER GIFT OR REWARD.
((INTERNATIONAL MEDIA SUPPORT 2009)

9.Confidentiality of sources

confidentiality is associated with many profession, including medical doctors, lawyers, social workers and accounts and is central to journalistic ethics. every journalist has a moral obligation to protect confidential sources of information, until that source authorities otherwise. The principle of confidentiality imposes a duty on the journalist to with hold the names of sources from third parties. An illustration of the problem surrounding confidentiality is the case where in October 1992, the editor and a journalist of the Zimbabwe weekly financial gazette were called before a parliamentary committee investigating corruption by senior officials. in 1933, the then editor of the Bulawayo chronicle Sydney Veats, was imprisoned for refusing to reveal a source (Ronning 2002:74)



The journalist shall regard as grave professional offences the following:
* plagiarism; * malicious misrepresentation;
* calumny, slander, libel, unfounded accusations;
* acceptance of a bribe in any form in consideration of either publication or
suppression.(IFJ 1954)

It can be concluded that journalist should adhere to the ethical norms in order for them to produce credible information that is free from distortion and credible to the audiences. The plethora of the ethics quoted from various scholars reflects that a journalist worth a name should be faithful. In a summary journalist should be truthfully, fair, minimise harm, remain independent and to be accountable in the news coverage and production.



















REFERENCES
Berry D (ed) (2000) Ethics and media Culture; Practices and representations. Oxford. Focal Press.
Brooks et al (1998) News Reporting and Writing. USA. St Martins Press.
Day (2000) Ethics in Media Communications; Cases and Controversies 3rd Edition. Belmont, CA. Wadsworth.
Emmanuel L (1969) Totality and infinity: An Essay on Exteriority, Pittsburgh, Dusque ne University Press.
Hohenburg J (1976) The professional Journalists Fourth Edition. London. University of Kansas.
IFJ Declaration of principles on the Conduct of Journalists (1954); Amended by the 1986 World Congress.
IJNET (2005a) Singapore Code of Ethics: Journalists' Code of Professional Conduct, International Journalists Network.
http://www.ijnet.org/FE Article/Codeethics.asp (Accessed 20 July 2005)
Independent Press Council (IPC) (2005) About this Site; Independent Press Councils
http://www.PressCouncils.org/htm/frameset.php; (Accessed 21 August 2005)
Ronning H (2002) Media Ethics: An Introduction. South Africa. Juta and Co
Seib P and Fitzpatrick K (1997) Journalism Ethics. Orlando: Harcourt Brace and Co.
Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ) (2005) SPJ Code of Ethics Society of Professional Journalists
http://www.spj.org/ethics.code.asp: (Accessed 21 August 2005)

Book Review:COMING OF THE DRY SEASON

By Caven Masuku
Midlands State University( Media Department)

This week we are going to review the collection of short stories written by Charles Mungoshi, one of the famous writers in Zimbabwean Literature.

The novel entitled, “Coming of the dry season” by Mungoshi consist of ten chapters and refers to several issues that affect Africans in today's world.

Education is viewed as a vehicle to success in all endeavours and contributing to political,social, religious and economic well being.

Mungoshi has a negative side of the story on formal education to Africans, especially during the colonial periods , where Africans could not occupy influential post despite being educated more than a white person. Creation of a social system in which the educated are granted higher status than those without causes disunity in the society. Alienation between educated and uneducated is functional to our social well-being.

The debate between two boys who are friends and are on equal level until they entered into alien school system in the story; “The mountain”, tells a story on the evils of formal education. Values and social hierarchies imposed by the education system creates a rift between community members. Chinua Achebe in, “Thing Fall Apart”, says that, “Western education acted as a crush blow levelled at traditional values by aliens and causes the society to fall apart”. Mungoshi condemns the economic, political, social and educational configuration brought by white person.

Unlike informal education where communalism is kept intact, formal education encourages individuals to be awarded on merit. Our contemporary society has an insatiable appetite of greedy fuelled by western education. One of Charles stories; “The setting sun and the Rolling” shows how our African community has been left in social shambling state.

Western education does not give us solution to our problems, but it worsens it. Imfundo yebeLungu kayilabubelo ngitsho lakancane. Dzidzo yechirungu haina pundutso kwatiri.Many graduands in our modern society from universities and colleges have despaired hope and are puzzled with the problems they face. Their hope is banked on the old age to offer them solution. Formal education is good to those who are determined, but fosters bitterness to the community.

“Shadow on the Wall” is a story that indicates how parents are not caring for their children. Child abuse, hostility and disputes between parents and their off-springs is the order of the day. Musaemura Zimunya in one of his poetry books portrays urban area as a place; Language is difficult to understand, parents deny their children gift of language to express themselves. Hence children are placed on a solitary plain as they are abused by their parents.

“The accidents” in Coming of The Dry Season depicts an urban area as a bad place for blacks to reside. Many blacks are caught with misfortune hence unemployment, prostitution, robbery, poor sanitation and a host of other problems is a product of the urban set-up. In today's world many people are living in misery. An urban area will never be a permanent resident for Africans because it was imposed to them by a white person.

“Coming of the dry season”, the title story in Mungoshi's book tells a story of Moab, who forgets his parents after securing employment in town. There are some people who resemble Moab in our contemporary society. Embracing western values have made us to shun our relatives who are poor and uneducated because they put us on shame. Many people have become wild animals that devour their by-products. They abuse children, and swindle associates their valuable assets. Women have been turned to the “sugar Pie” of the city, an ice cream ready to be eaten by the rich men in town.

Art is good to the community as it exposes bad conduct and seeks solution to it. Education is good some-how, but breathes venom to the society. Mungoshi's stories forefronts the bad issues imposed on blacks by whites that will never be easy to put an end to. The fact that some benefit at the expense of others is what makes the whole issue complex